The following article by Ian Hunt was first published in SDNQ, vol. 36 (March 2007), pp.97-103.
Two hundred years ago: slavery and some West Country families.
On the morning of the 25th March 1807, royal assent was given to the bill ‘that no vessel should clear out for slaves from any part within the British dominions after the first of May, 1807’. ‘Thus did Great Britain set an example to the world, which neither the philanthropists of the French republic, nor those of the United States of America, had been sufficiently magnanimous to exhibit’.[1]
Although it would be another three decades before slavery in the British Empire was finally abolished, the year 2007, 200 years on, appears an appropriate time to look back at the period. Moreover, an account about slavery involving West Country folk, among them a political celebrity. It illustrates the financial struggles necessary to keep plantations running and maintain the high standard of living expected among the families concerned. For some, when slave-owning came to an end, and compensation was distributed, it may already have been too late to save the family silver.
A few years ago, in the Somerset Record Office, among papers deposited by a firm of Taunton solicitors, was found an indenture which forms the basis for what follows. In a bundle marked ‘Brickdale’ was one of several deeds dated between 1810-20, relating to a bankruptcy within that family.[2] Throughout the 18th century the Brickdales had been well-known in Bristol as Africa merchants, even having one of their cargo ships named after them. They and others, such as the Gresleys and Hobhouses, had opulent residences in Bristol’s prestigious Queen’s Square.[3] The indenture, dated 6 November 1810, was a mortgage to John Brickdale of Stoodleigh, Devon, Esq., by Robert McGhie of Upcott House, Bishop’s Hull (near Taunton), Esq. Land tax returns confirm Robert as a tenant there intermittently from 1800 to 1813.[4] He had several offspring, only some of whom were baptised at the parish church of St Peter and St Paul, one child of whom became son-in-law to Henry ‘Orator’ Hunt.
Typically, the indenture cited earlier deeds, in November 1794, a quadripartite agreement was made by Robert McGhie and his wife, Elizabeth, née Pomeroy, his brothers James and Jonathan (both deceased by 1810 and both ‘late of the parish of Trelawny’) and Robert Willoughby (now ‘late of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland’). Further reading revealed that the property involved was in Jamaica. The island consisted of three counties: Cornwall, Middlesex and Surrey, and 14 parishes. In the 18th century, most of the 600 estates were sugar plantations. The rest were support plantations, growing crops to supply not only the great houses but also the slave villages. While some estates had English place names, others had appellations such as ‘Friendship’ or ‘Sweet River’.
In the indenture, ‘Hampstead’ and ‘Retreat’ plantations (1260 acres), the supporting estate called ‘Mount Lebanon’ (234 acres) and related provision grounds (625 acres) were in the parish of Trelawny, co. Cornwall, in the north-west of the island.[5] The McGhie brothers ‘were seized in fee as tenants in common of and in (these) plantations or sugar works pieces or parcels of land slaves and premises therein’. In 1794 they asked Robert Willoughby to lend them ten thousand pounds against the security of these estates.
Research has shown Willoughby to be of Wick, an estate in Brislington, Somerset, one of many locally at that period belonging to Bristol merchants.[6] He may have been kinsman to those Willoughbys, who, in medieval times, expanded from Lincolnshire across England, before colonising West Indian islands, and became prominent in trade, industry and society.[7] He was a Catholic; and some family ceremonies occurred at St Joseph’s chapel, Bristol; his burial is in the register of St Luke’s church, Brislington.
One interpretation of the indenture is that, the McGhie estates were forever in debt and the brothers often sought private loans, apparently without always disclosing to new lenders that the property was already mortgaged to others. Willoughby, either knowingly or in innocence, agreed to make the loan on condition that the McGhies ‘sold’ the lands to him, the proviso of redemption being, to quote his will, that they consigned to him 250 hogsheads of sugar ever year for seven years. That is equivalent to 2,975,000lbs of sugar. When, however, Willoughby died in 1802, his will claimed that none of the consignments had been made.[8] Why he allowed this is not fully understood. Ensuing litigation was complicated and the McGhies appear manipulatory. Willoughby himself seems complex: apart from children with orthodox English forenames, he left progeny called ‘Sutty’ and ‘Rousseau’. There is, however, insufficient independent evidence to assess the character of any of the principal people referred to in the indenture. During the Regency period, debt was fashionable, gambling rife, the government lottery popular. Any combination of causes may have led to the constant borrowing.
The indenture recites a deed of June 1799 whereby the McGhie brothers entered into an agreement with some London merchants, John and John Henry Deffell, who loaned £20,000. In return they had conveyed to them all the aforementioned land and ‘all those negro and other slaves’ as well as all ‘the mules horses mares and horned cattle and other live and dead stock, plantation utensils and implements of planting’. For further security, James McGhie pledged an additional piece of land called ‘Coxheath’ together with its own slaves and animals.
It is noted elsewhere that, by this time, several McGhie slaves, together with those from neighbouring plantations, had escaped into the nearby woods. Led by one called Kofi, they were haphazardly burning property and crops in their frantic bid for freedom.[9]
The year following Willoughby’s death, his trustees, two Catholic priests in Bristol from the chapel mentioned earlier, and a son William, represented by their attorney Richard Brickdale Ward, participated in another agreement. Including new vested interests, seven parties, were now entangled. Robert junior, Willoughby’s eldest son, of Cliff, Warwickshire, instructed his father’s legal administrator to pursue matters. It emerged that the deceased Willoughby had obtained ‘certain judgements’ against the McGhies concerning the bond of 1794. With interest, the debt had increased to £12,450 8s 11d, exclusive of costs. At this point (1803), various sets of Bills of Exchange were drawn, the Deffells partly compensating the Willoughbys. By common consent one of the new parties, John Gardner Millward, had assigned to him ‘Retreat’ and ‘Hampstead’ plantations, ‘upon trusts therein mentioned.’
Matters did not evolve as the Deffells desired. In December 1805, their attorney in Jamaica filed Bills of complaint in the high court of Chancery against the McGhie brothers et al, ‘praying that a Receiver… might be appointed of the said plantations’. Before the petition could be heard, James McGhie died. In May 1806, the court Chancellor ordered that the present crop of sugar and any remaining and all future sugar be ‘shipped and consigned’ to the Deffells ‘upon the account and risque’ of the remaining McGhies, but the Deffells to keep business records. Proceeds of the first five hundred hogsheads of the present crop (average 1700lbs each), and similar accounts annually until further order of the court, were to be accredited to the Deffells ‘in reduction of their demand’ proceeds from any other shipments would go towards plantation running costs. If the annual crop fell below expectation, the Deffells should have all of it, but ‘pay the Island contingencies of the said plantations beyond what the Rum crop… should extend to pay’.
In James McGhie’s will (dated October 1805 and cited in the indenture) he bequeathed whatever of his estate remained to his brother Jonathan, who ‘took upon himself the burthen of the execution’. Whether through fever or legal exhaustion, Jonathan himself then expired (will dated October 1807 and cited in the indenture). He left ‘all the rest and residue’ to this brother Robert. Of the four executors it was not this Robert but one William Fowle Holt who assumed administrative responsibility. Next it was John Deffell who died. With monies still not recovered, son John Henry took over any litigation.
In September 1808, an indenture was made between Holt and Robert McGhie ‘then resident in Jamaica’ admitting that the estates were ‘justly indebted unto sundry persons’ in Jamaica and Great Britain. Robert ‘was desirous to pay off… the demands’. For ten shillings he handed more responsibility to Holt. Apart from the 2119 acres previously identified, McGhie assigned another 300 acres called ‘Grays Inn’, together with another 35 acres and all the slaves belonging thereto ‘whose names were… set down in the schedule thereto annexed’ (not found). Among the provisos were a marriage settlement executed by Robert McGhie, dated 26/27 December 1781, and another indenture of ‘grant bargain and sale’ dated 24 April 1804, between this McGhie and ‘James Coles John Brickdale and Robert Young’.
The arrangement with Holt was intended to be for five years with yearly peppercorn rent. His brief was to manage, cultivate and take the whole annual crop and use it in the liquidation of some of McGhie’s debts. By 1810, however, McGhie still owed John Brickdale £2700, but was allowed to borrow further from him, at the colonial rate of 6%. Seemingly, notwithstanding the five-year arrangement with Holt (who was really no more than a tenant), McGhie mortgaged ‘Retreat’ and ‘Hampstead’ plantations to Brickdale for one year. The bargain was subject to a plethora of incumbrances and a redemption clause: to retrieve his lands, McGhie was to repay £2862 (including interest) contributing half a year’s interest – just £81 – on 6 May 1811, and the balance on 6 November 1811. The same scheme would apply for further loans. Despite all the debts over about thirty years, McGhie was still seized in fee simple, his ‘estate of inheritance’ being ‘perfect’. Brickdale allowed him to retain possession. Holt and Robert McGhie junior, both of Jamaica, were to act as McGhie’s attorneys there.
The indenture ended, on folio 32, recording the signatures and seals of Robert McGhie and John Brickdale. Among witnesses were Taunton solicitor, John Pinchard, and Deputy Town Clerk of Bridgwater, John William Trevor. Additional notes show that the Somerset Archives and Local Studies archive copy was made in Taunton on 17 June 1812. Three months earlier, Robert McGhie the elder, had appeared personally before the Mayor of Bridgwater to confirm that he was party to the document and acknowledged the debt of £2700 together with interest. Appended was an accountant’s schedule covering the years 1810 to 1819; interest continued to mount with occasional repayments of a nominal nature. By about 1813 Robert McGhie ceased to be tenant of Upcott House. Birth announcements in The Times newspaper in 1817 and 1819 relate to a branch of the Brickdale family living there.
To an observer from afar, slave plantations appear symbols of affluence. Magnificent great houses in the Caribbean, the impressive stone mansions in Bristol and Clifton with their windows reflecting the excessive profits, the elegance of the families’ furniture and finery, the largesse in establishing libraries and theatres; everything derived from prosperity today deemed ill-gotten. In the 1790s, when the McGhies were desperate for financial backing, talk of abolition of slavery was rife, and, as demonstrated above, they were not in full control of their workforce. Banks might be wary of further investment. Speculators might take personal risks. In 1807, when Britain banned ships from carrying slave cargoes, anxiety spread among maritime agents and estate owners that they would have no collateral against which to borrow more capital. In the 1830s, slavery was abolished completely in British dominions. Even though the House of Commons voted compensation to the amount of twenty million pounds (based on an estimate of £37 10s for each slave) for many owners this was grossly inadequate; their affluence, clouded by ongoing financial pressures and further substantial slave rioting in 1831-2, had already waned.[10] For such as the Brickdales it was too late as slave owning had contributed to their bankruptcy.
It is remarkable therefore that, in 1836, notwithstanding, the huge debts shrouding the McGhies for over half a century, one of the elder Robert McGhie’s other sons, James McGhie – by then remarried and no longer associated with Bishop’s Hull, and ‘Orator’ Hunt, his erstwhile father-in-law being recently deceased – still believed that he had lands in Jamaica to bequeath. He died in 1838. His will, however, appears to have been difficult to interpret. Annotations to the Inland Revenue form contain queries and dates extending into the 1870s.[11] Evidence from Jamaican almanacs and surveys for 1840 and 1850 list Deffells as plantation owners, including the estates of Hampstead and Retreat. There is no mention of McGhies and perhaps none to mention. James himself left but two daughters.
In 1685, following the unsuccessful coup led by the Duke of Monmouth, Taunton’s great hall was one venue for the high-profile Assizes presided over by Judge Jeffreys. Those rebels not hanged were transported to the West Indies to work on plantations. Just over a century later, the McGhies, sometime tenants of Upcott House, were slave estate owners, their activities hitherto of low profile. Such contrasts demonstrate the rich complexity of British history. To the writer’s knowledge, it has not previously been observed that ‘Orator’ Hunt’s son-in-law came from slave-owning stock. The Orator himself, in his Memoirs (1820) claimed to detest slavery. Perhaps that is one reason why the family connection has not previously surfaced.
With acknowledgements to Mary Hobhouse, Bristol Archives, and Somerset Archives and Local Studies.
IAN HUNT
Footnotes:
[1] J.R. Miller, Hume’s History of Great Britain, Vol.3 (London, 1837), 327-8.
[2] Somerset Archives and Local Studies, DD/DP/7/2: indenture, 6 November 1810
[3] M. Dresser, Slavery Obscured. The Social History of the Slave Trade in an English Provincial Port (London, 2001).
[4] The Indenture indicates that the McGhies were resident at Upcott House in 1794. From time-to-time local newspapers advertised the property to let; one, the Taunton Courier in 1811 directed enquiries to John Buncombe; for families such as the McGhies, when not living abroad, tenancy was perhaps a convenient option.
[5] Hampstead estate, for example, can be viewed on Google Earth, 18.25N, 77.38W
[6] TNA, PROB 11/1378/49: will of Robert Willoughby of Brislington, Somerset, 7 July 1802
[7] Dictionary of National Biography, references to Willoughbys passim.
[8] TNA, PROB 11/1378/49: will of Robert Willoughby of Brislington, Somerset, 7 July 1802
[9] R. Hart, Slaves who abolished slavery: blacks in rebellion (Kingston, Jamaica, 2002), chapter 9.
[10] The Annual Register, 1832 (London, 1833), Public Documents, 286-94.
[11] TNA, PROB 11/1905/390: will of James McGhie, Lieutenant in the Royal Navy of Saint Helier, Island of Jersey, 30 January 1839
See also:
Madge Dresser & Andrew Hann (ed.), Slavery and the British Country House (English Heritage, 2013).
Legacies of British Slave-ownership, UCL
A Tour of Jamaica’s Great Houses, Plantations, & Pens
G.J. Davies, A Dorset Ship in the Slave Trade, SDNQ, vol.30.
Rachel Hassall, John Toogood (1742-1824): ardent campaigner against the slave trade (Old Shirburnian Society)
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