The following article by James Stokes of the University of Wisconsin was published in SDNQ, vol.32 (March 1990), pp.807-817:
The Hoglers: Evidences of an entertainment tradition in eleven Somerset Parishes.
In 1890 Somerset Record Society published excerpts from the churchwarden accounts of six parishes.[1] Four of the six included references to ‘hoglers’ or ‘hogglers’ who, together with other groups of parishioners, presented their gatherings on collection days. Volume editor Bishop E. Hobhouse concluded that the hoglers represented ‘the lowest order of labourer with spade or pick, in tillage, or in minerals.’[2] The hoglers, he said, had a guild and made modest contributions, ‘if not in money.’[3] Subsequently, the OED defined hoglers as ‘of uncertain origin and meaning’, but included the Hobhouse definition and used citations drawn mainly from the SRS volume (OED 326). Other specialized dictionaries which discuss the word either repeat the Hobhouse definition and Somerset evidence or speculate that hogling should be connected with hocktide activities.[4]
The word has also generated on-going discussion in SDNQ. In 1891 a summary description of the new Hobhouse volume there mentioned his discussion of the hoglers.[5] An unsigned note in 1930 questioned the Hobhouse definition and cited similar doubts expressed in the Bishop’s own correspondence.[6] In 1967 County Archvisit D.M.M. Shorrocks discovered evidence showing that hogling in one parish, Keynsham, was an ancient annual collection in the Christmas season levied by Keynsham on its chapelries and gathered by churchwardens and their assistants.[7]
Research now underway for a volume in the REED (Records of Early English Drama) Series has produced fresh evidence that hogling activities occurred in a number of other Somerset parishes as well, and that some of the hogling included entertainments.[8] The new evidence, together with a fresh look at the old, not only provides a more accurate understanding of hogling activities, it identifies a hitherto ignored element of the parish playing tradition in Somerset.
The new evidence that hogling included entertainments occurs in depositions taken in 1630 during a rates dispute between a parishioner and the churchwardens of Keynsham, the same parish discussed by Shorrocks.[9] Witness Thomas Boulter, a Keynsham farmer and former churchwarden, testified that
‘the manner of hoglinge heretofore hath byn that the churchwardens of the parishe of Kainsham for the tyme being with some others with them have usuallie on St Steevens & St Johns day [26 and 27 December] yeerelie gon to Whitchurch & Charleton to the Inhabitants thereof & soe collected thire benevolence towards the reparacon of the Church of Kainsham aforesaid. And sayeth that heretofore in such theire hogling they have used to singe songes & bee very merrie & have good entertaynement att such howses they went to: but now of late yeeres they have not used soe mutch to sing as they weare wont to doe…’ [f.42]
In 1628 and 1629, he said, ‘William Heyward [of Charlton] gave entertainment [hospitality]… to those of Kainsham that came a hoglinge to him, & afforeded them good cheere & beere.’ [f.42v.]
The Keynsham hoglers gathered at Whitchurch and Charlton because both places were former chapelries of Keynsham which continued to depend on that parish for services such as burials, christenings and marriage ceremonies.[10]
Depositions taken in 1625, but apparently involving the same controversy, indicate that the women of Keynsham participated in the hogling activities too. Robert Cox, gentleman of Keynsham, testified that ‘[from] tyme beyond the memorie of man… the churchwardens wives of Kainsham… used to gather hogling monie att Easter, as theire husbands did aboute Christmas… and … the same use and custome is att this present tyme observed and kepte by the churchwardens… & theire wives…’[11]
The only surviving Keynsham churchwardens’ account from that period is a single fragmentary page summarizing receipts for two years: 1626 and 1627. Both years contain receipts for hoglings in Charlton and Whitchurch at Christmas and again at Easter. The depositions make it possible to know that those Christmas gatherings (approximately 15 shillings plus ‘victualls’) were by the men and that the Easter gatherings (approximately 3 shillings) were by their wives, and finally that the year’s major collection occurred at Christmas.[12]
In Keynsham, then, hogling was a twice-annual event – on 26 and 27 December by the wardens and other parishioners, and at Easter by the wardens’ wives. The Christmas hoglings, at least, included singing as the gatherers went door-to-door. In 1583 a witness (John Harvie, Maltman) testified to having seen hogling in Keynsham ‘these fyftie yeres last past’ and that it had been ‘an old auncient custom… tyme owt of mynd.’[13] So hogling can be documented for a period of more than a hundred years in Keynsham, and was probably much older than that. Further, hogling in Keynsham contradicts three assumptions by Hobhouse. It was carried out by influential parishioners, including women, not be labourers; it produced not only victuals but money; and it was the primary source of parish income. In 1924, C.R. Baskerville published the text of a Keynsham mummer’s play which had been performed there as recently as 1822, suggesting the outlines of what may be an entertainment tradition spanning 350 years.[14]
New evidence also indicates that parish and inter-parish hogling was common in other parishes near Keynsham and elsewhere in North and Central Somerset. On ecclesiastical court witness described the connection between hogling and churchales in the parishes of Dundry and Chew Magna (both near Keynsham),
‘… heretofore [earlier than 1633]… when Churchales weare used… the Inhabitants of Chewmagna aforesaid went a hogling to Dundrie and there had corne given them, which was spent att the churchales, and Dundries men in the like manner had corne given them from Chew…’[15]
A second witness specified the churchwardens as the ones who came from Chew Magna ‘to hogle and gather… in Corne or monie’ [f.51]. His phrasing seems to suggest that hogling and gathering may have been separate elements within the activity, the one to motivate by entertaining, the other to collect what was thereby raised. There exists considerable evidence of an extensive parish entertainment tradition in Dundry – particularly of music and dance; thus it seems likely that the hogling there would have included entertainments.[16]
The parish of Portbury, 10 miles northwest of Keynsham, also had hoglers. John Baker, a mariner of Portbury, testified in 1637 that
‘… during the tyme of his memorie, there hath bene & yet is a use & Custome in the parishe of Portburie aforesaid att Christmas yearlie [aboute?] new years daie to goe aboute the parishe to all Inhabitants howse holders a hogling and to collect theire voluntarie guiftes in monie what they please to the use of the Church of Portburie…’[17]
Witness Rosa Wade, said that when she had ‘lived in the said mansion house [The Priorie in Portbury]… parisheners appointed for that purpose usuallie once a yeare on new years eve came a hogling to theire said howse’ [f.14v]. Thomas Wade said that before 1634 the parish had maintained itself with hogling money ‘collected in the Christmas tyme or newyeares eve and twelfe eve or theraboutes,’ and with corn amounting to ‘about fiftie Bushells of Barlie a yeare’ [f.17]. Portbury farmer Edmund Willmott said that he gave the hoglers ‘some tymes a shilling and some tymes six pence or betweene that and a shilling’ [f.24]. So Portbury hogling, like that in Keynsham occurred during winter, but on New Year’s and Epiphany rather than on December 26 and 27. The depositions give no evidence of Easter hoglings, nor of visits outside the parish, though both may have occurred. Neither do the depositions specify which parishioners were appointed to be hoglers.
Hogling was also the principal fund-raising activity in the parish of Blagdon (approximately four miles south of Chew Magna). In nearly every year between 1599 and 1642 the churchwardens’ accounts record separate hogling activities by the ‘young folk’ and the ‘old’.[18] The elders collected money plus bread and cheese; the young collected money only. The amounts collected by each group remained constant through the years, the total raised by the young usually being equivalent to the worth of the bread and cheese raised by the elders, though far less than the cash gathered by them.
In Blagdon the hoglers were a group of parishioners that included two persons who received a token payment: the bag carrier and the writer (to tally collections and record promises). Between 1609 and 1623 John Preston received a shilling each year to carry the hogling bag. Preston was succeeded by four different persons in successive years. None of them, including Preston, ever served as churchwarden, though persons with the same surname did. The last of the bag carriers, John Evans, was also paid for clearing the church of sparrows and dogs. On two occasions the churchwarden’s son was writer for the hoglers – once in 1611, again in 1626. The records create the impression that the wardens controlled the hogling and that the bag carrier and writer were honorary positions.
The Blagdon records do not tell when the hoglings occurred during the year. However, the word seems to have referred to anyone who helped in gathering ‘the devotion of the parishioners & others’ [f.4]. References to ‘the younge flocks in hoglinge’ [f.9] and ‘hoglinge of the old folkes’ [f.12] suggest that hoglers included both men and women, though whether together or separately is unclear. The Blagdon hoglers gathered throughout the entire parish.
Finally, newly-found evidence in a deposition indicates that in South Brent (Brent Knoll) the churchwardens raised money to repair the church by holding churchales, and that ‘… the said wardens alsoe yeerly used to gather of the inhabitantes theire charitable giftes which was called hogling monye, which they like sorte imployed.’[19]
Thus, as in Keynsham and Chew Magna, the Brent Knoll wardens conducted both the hogling and the ales, though whether the two activities were otherwise related is unclear.
Evidences of hogling activities in six additional Somerset parishes have been published but never thoroughly studied and, in some cases, seem not to have been noticed. The churchwardens’ accounts of Banwell (between Axbridge and Weston-super-Mare) record a hogling tradition there that ran unbroken from 1516 to 1616, and was probably older.[20] Until 1616, the accounts named four hoglers each year (two for the Upland tithing and two for the Marsh). Hobhouse concluded that the Banwell hoglers were labourers who ‘husbanded… a common stock running on common lands…. In which the church had rights’ [230]. However, some of the hoglers served during other years as churchwardens (Richard Sayer of the Marsh, for example). A number of them left wills. John Irish (an Upland sideman) of Tower Head purchased the mansion of Tower Head from Sir Robert Georges. A brass bearing the name of another hogler, John Blandon (Upland), is in Banwell church. Thus some of the hoglers were influential parishioners who were clearly not labourers, and the area in which they hogled seems to have been the area of the parish in which they lived.
In 1558 the Banwell wardens found it necessary to order that ‘the hoglers shall paye theire monye all wais the Sondaye before Sayntt nycholas dayes [December 6] accordynge to the ould order’ [f.82v]. The accounts do not tell when the hogling actually occurred during the year, but the wardens presented their own account the Sunday following St. Nicholas Day, and it seems probable that the hogling may have occurred sometime during that season.
Hogling ceased to be recorded in Banwell during the reign of Edward VI, but returned with Queen Mary and continued through the reign of Elizabeth. It seems to have declined in the early 17th century when the number of hoglers became inconsistent and the amount of arrears grew. After 1616 the parish used rates to collect money; the four hoglers became six and were henceforth called sidesmen. Thus in Banwell, hogling was a formally organized activity, controlled by the wardens, but conducted by appointed, influential, male parishioners.
In Cheddar (five miles from Banwell) the parish derived most of its income from three events: St George Fair, St Luke’s Fair, and Hogling.[21] The two fairs each raised 7-10 shillings annually, but hogling raised much more (approximately £10 per year). The Cheddar accounts do not name the hoglers nor tell when the hoglign occurred. But the hogling receipts were always given first in the receipts section of the accounts; the remaining datable entries were always chronologically arranged, listing St George Fair (April 23) first, then St Luke’s Fair (October 18). The pattern suggests that hogling occurred after October 18 and before April 23, most probably at Christmas. The accounts contain no additional details illustrating the nature of hogling activities in Cheddar.
Some of the earliest records of hogling in Somerset occur in the famous churchwardens’ accounts of Croscombe, near Wells.[22] Between 1474 and 1560 the parish raised funds through activities by eight groups: the hoglers, webbers, tuckers, young men, maidens, Robin Hood, King’s revel and St George ale. The largest amounts came from Robin Hood and King’s revels, but both occurred intermittently. The 76 accounts transcribed by Hobhouse record only 16 Robin Hood events and 4 King’s revels (never occurring in the same year). The 1480-81 account refers to a ‘robin Hod’s revel’ and the 1505-06 account to the ‘sporte of Robarte Hode’. Thus the King’s revels and Robin Hood activities might have been the same, or similar events. Their occasional nature and the large amount of money raised suggest that the two events might have been used by the parish for special projects or improvements such as the purchase of a new bell.
Much more consistent were payments by hoglers, tuckers, maidens and young men. All four contributed nearly every year between 1475 and 1553, clearly forming the core of parish contributions. The maidens routinely collected much more money than did the hoglers, tuckers and young men. But in nearly every year between 1474 and 1532 those other three groups each gathered approximately 3-5 shillings. A fifth group, the webbers, stopped contributing after 1484-85. Finally, a St George Ale began in 1515-16 and continued to 1537-38.
The pattern of names in the accounts tells something about who and what the hoglers were. During most of those years one person presented the hoglers’ gathering for several years in succession: 1475-1478: Tropnell; 1485-1491: Richard Att Wyll; 1497-1506: R. Voll(s); 1509-1516: J. Felyppes. For three years (1475-78) one of the churchwardens made the presentation together with the principal hogler; thus the wardens were to some extent involved, at least in presenting the account, just as they were with the presentation of proceeds from Robin Hood revels. One of the hoglers, Harry Mew (1483), was a weaver, and Costrell was a tucker; thus the hoglers were not limited to one particular craft guild. But the 1480 account refers to hogler Thomas Costrell and his ‘felaschep’ (fellowship), indicating that the hoglers may indeed have been a social or religious guild. All but two of the hogler-presenters also served sometime as churchwardens (Harry Mew in 1491; Richard Att Wyll in 1492; Richard Volls in 1486; J. Phillips in 1505). Because the hoglers served as warden before being hoglers or shortly thereafter, they were probably older rather than younger parishioners. William Branch, who seems to have been permanent senior churchwarden from 1480 to 1498, also presented for the hoglers late in his career, in 1494. In the case of Richard Att Wyll it is possible to trace his progress, first representing the young men in 1481, then the hoglers starting in 1485, then the wardens in 1492.
The preponderance of the evidence suggest that the hoglers in Croscombe were senior members of the community, were drawn from the same ranks as the wardens, and were a social fellowship or guild that gathered contributions at least once during the year. The accounts do not say when the hogling occurred; however, in 1482 just after an Easter entry, the account lists a collection for ‘the wyfes dansyng’ indicating that, as in Keynsham, the Croscombe wives may have had a revel during the Easter season; if the pattern is consistent in other respects as well, one might suspect that the hogling by Croscombe men occurred at Christmas.
Churchwardens’ accounts of two other parishes near Wells – those of Pilton and Glastonbury – record hogling activities in those communities too. In Pilton (two miles from Croscombe) the major source of parish income was an annual church ale sponsored by the Lady Wardens.[23] The 1517 account, typically, records ‘of yowr lady Wardeyns yn cresse off ther alle [ale] iijli iijs iiijd.’[24] Once only, in 1509, in addition to the four marks raised in their ale, did the account include ‘hoglyng money off our lady wardyns vjs.’[25] This single entry does show that hogling occurred in Pilton (and that the word was current there), but also that it was an occasional not a regularly recorded activity and that it seems to have been something separate from the ale. The Pilton accounts also contain references to receipts from the ‘hockelyng lights,’ from Isabel Man (2d.) in 1510,[26] and from John Elyns (no amount) with John Man in 1511.[27] Thus both men and women presented receipts from the light. Elyns seems to have been responsible for the hockelyng light during a several-year period. A relationship, if any, between that hockelyng light and hogling activities is entirely unclear but seems unlikely because the amounts of money involved are so different.
The evidence from Glastonbury is somewhat more illustrative. An account roll for the year 1428-29 includes the collection of ‘… vijs de Hogelyngselver in festo Epiphanie domini.’[28] The entry, which occurs in the revenues section of the account, is preceded by a similar receipt of 7 shillings from one William Deor and his associates for their play at the feast of Christmas, and 26 shillings from Walter Brewderer and his associates for their play in the town during summer. Following the hogling entry is a receipt of 53s. 5d. from the churchwardens’ ale. The entry clearly identifies this hogling as having occurred at Epiphany and distinguishes it from other entertainment and gathering activities in the account. One additional entry, in 1439-40, which reads
‘Iidem respondebant de xjs ijd ob de colleccione ad Pascha pro la Trendell et de xijs de Hogelyngsel[ver] de colleccione ejusdem’[29]
Suggests that hogling was also used at least once to augment the Easter collection. The Glastonbury entries are the only ones to use the phrase hoglingsilver rather than hogling, but clearly indicates a gathering activity. However, as in Pilton, hogling is not a regularly occurring entry in the accounts.
Finally, the southernmost parish with a record of hogling is Tintinhull, near Ilchester, whose fragmentary references are similar to those of Pilton and Glastonbury. The Tintinhull wardens and their wives ran summer ales on St Margaret’s Day (20 July) and sometimes on Saints Philip and James (25 July). In 1453, for example, two churchwardens’ wives presented the proceeds from the Margaret ale. In 1448 nearby Montacute presented a summer king play at Tintinhull. The parish also took part in Easter processions, both in Tintinhull and at Ilchester; thus they had a strong tradition of spring and summer entertainments. The accounts also record a Christmas play in 1451 and a Christmas ale in 1452.[30] The Tintinhull churchwardens’ accounts, in fact, record one of the most varied playing traditions in Somerset. Within that context there occur only two references to hogling. In 1444 John Warwick, the steward of the hogling (not hokelyng) light presented 2 shillings. In 1465 William Warefull and John Trent presented 22d. for the hogling light.[31] Both men were former churchwardens and the name John Trent recurs throughout the accounts as warden and ale keeper. Just as in Pilton and Glastonbury, hoglers in Tintinhull seem to have been members of a religious guild. Hogling entries do not appear in a consistent pattern, nor apparently was the bulk of parish money raised by that means.
The evidence from these eleven parishes suggests several conclusions. Most surviving records of hogling happen to be from northern and central parts of the county. All hoglers were not miners nor members of a labouring class; rather, they seem to have come from the ranks of the influential parishioners, often the wardens themselves and their families. The name was used to describe the activity of any parishioner – man, woman or child – who took part.
In eight of the communities, hogling was a major source of parish income (and the only significant source in five of them). The men seem to have conducted their hogling during the Christmas season, often at or near Epiphany, and often with song and other entertainments. Their hogling, therefore, may have been connected with mumming and other seasonal play and seems similar to the custom of Hogmanay practised in other parts of England.[32] There is no clear evidence of men hogling during the spring or summer, though they may have done so. Women, on the other hand, conducted their hogling and other gathering activities in the springtime, in a manner that resembles hocktide events (which were always associated with Spring and with Easter).[33]
Hogling was a group activity in which parishioners trouped forth, sometimes travelling a large distance to nearby chapelries or parishes. In a few cases, hoglings for special purposes are recorded (Pilton, for example). But, in general, the hogling itself does not seem to have been a random exercise. Amounts collected remained relatively constant through the years and the records indicate that parishioners systematically visited the same households each year. In fact, the several rate disputes in the 17th century deposition books cite the hogling tradition as a precedent against parishioners or chapelries unwilling to pay their rates. Those who could not afford cash, gave food or grain. The event, however, was not mere tax collection; it was also a convivial seasonal activity which used entertainment to sweeten the appeal for funds.
The origin of hogling activities in Somerset is obscure. The hogling light in Tintinhull (1444), and hockelyng lights in Pilton (1510) both seemingly refer to offering lights maintained by purely religious guilds. But other references from the same period – 1428 in Glastonbury, 1475 in Croscombe and 1509 in Pilton – appear to describe an activity controlled by the principal parish officials and incorporating elements of service, entertainment and fellowship. References in early 17th century records never use the spelling ‘hocklyng’. But whatever its origin, hogling had a single purpose: to raise funds for the parish by entertaining and gathering among fellow parishioners, a practice both ancient and widespread in Somerset, and an important link in the entertainment tradition there.
Footnotes:
[1] Somerset Record Society, ‘Churchwardens Accounts of Croscombe, Pilton, Yatton, Tintinhull, Morebath and St Michael’s, Bath: Ranging from A.D. 1349 to 1560’, edited by Bishop Edmund Hobhouse, 4 (1890).
[2] Somerset Record Society, ‘Churchwardens Accounts of Croscombe, Pilton, Yatton, Tintinhull, Morebath and St Michael’s, Bath: Ranging from A.D. 1349 to 1560’, edited by Bishop Edmund Hobhouse, 4 (1890), ‘Appendix D: The Hogglers’, p.251.
[3] Somerset Record Society, ‘Churchwardens Accounts of Croscombe, Pilton, Yatton, Tintinhull, Morebath and St Michael’s, Bath: Ranging from A.D. 1349 to 1560’, edited by Bishop Edmund Hobhouse, 4 (1890), and see Introduction, p.xx; and p.3.
[4] The Middle English Dictionary defines ‘hogeler’ as ‘A laborer of some sort’ and cites two examples from Hobhouse. Wright’s The English Dialect Dictionary (reprint, 1962) defines ‘hoggler’ as Somerset ‘sidemen or kind of assistants to the churchwardens’ and responsible for collecting certain rates’. Halliwell’s A Dictionary of Archaic and Provincial Words (1901), includes only the verb ‘to hoggle’ meaning to dig up from the ground. William Hazlitt’s Faith and Folklore of the British Isles (reprint, 1965), mentioning two receipts from hoglers in Cheddar, Somerset, says, ‘I conclude this to be connected with Hoc or Hoke Tide; yet the amounts collected are far in excess of what seems to have been usual’.
[5] SDNQ, vol.2, 124-26.
[6] SDNQ, vol.20, 62-63.
[7] SDNQ, vol.28, 340-342, source Somerset Heritage Centre, D/D/cd/17.
[8] Most of the references occur in two classes of documents: churchwardens’ accounts and ecclesiastical court deposition books of the diocese of Bath and Wells. In 1980 and 1981, Prof. Herbert Berry, University of Saskatchewan and I searched a number of churchwardens’ accounts at the Somerset Heritage Centre. Subsequently, I have searched the remaining churchwardens’ accounts and deposition books.
[9] Somerset Heritage Centre, D/D/cd/68.
[10] Somerset Heritage Centre, D/D/cd/17.
[11] Somerset Heritage Centre, D/D/cd/59 (Section E, 18 July 1625).
[12] Somerset Heritage Centre, D/P/keyn/4/1/1.
[13] Somerset Heritage Centre, D/D/cd/17 [fol. 23v.]
[14] ‘Mummers’ Wooing Plays in England,’ Modern Philology, 21, No.3 (February 1924), 225-272.
[15] Somerset Heritage Centre, D/D/cd/131, located within the first packet of depositions in D/D/cd/131.
[16] To be published in the forthcoming REED volume for Somerset.
[17] Somerset Heritage Centre, D/D/cd/131, in the second packet of depositions.
[18] Somerset Heritage Centre, D/P/blag/4/1/1.
[19] Somerset Heritage Centre, D/D/cd/35, 1604 [fol.65v]
[20] Somerset Heritage Centre, D/P/ban/4/1/1–D/P/ban/4/1/2.
[21] Somerset Heritage Centre, DD/SAS/C795/SE/14. Extracts from the Cheddar accounts were published in Notes and Queries, 3rd series, iii (May 30 1863), 423-424. The note asked, ‘what is the meaning of hoglinge money? The item occurs annually for many years’. In 1892, W.F. Weaver in ‘Notes on the Lights of Medieval Church,’ The Antiquary, 25 (1892), 23-26, also mentioned hogling in Cheddar, but accepted the Hobhouse explanation without questioning it.
[22] The original Croscombe churchwarden accounts have been missing since 1930 or possibly even before 1914. Sections from the accounts were transcribed or summarized in Hobhouse, pp.1-48.
[23] Somerset Heritage Centre, D/P/pilt/4/1/1, D/P/pilt/4/1/2, D/P/pilt/4/1/3.
[24] Somerset Record Society, ‘Churchwardens Accounts of Croscombe, Pilton, Yatton, Tintinhull, Morebath and St Michael’s, Bath: Ranging from A.D. 1349 to 1560’, edited by Bishop Edmund Hobhouse, 4 (1890), p.71.
[25] Somerset Heritage Centre, D/P/pilt/4/1/1, p.27.
[26] Somerset Heritage Centre, D/P/pilt/4/1/1, p.12.
[27] Somerset Heritage Centre, D/P/pilt/4/1/1, p.17.
[28] Somerset Heritage Centre, D/P/gla.j/4/1/7. The dorse of the account ends with the reference ‘de ixs vjd oneratis anno future pro hoglyngselvere.’
[29] SDNQ, vol. 4, 191.
[30] Somerset Heritage Centre, D/P/tin/4/1/1, pp.54, 44, 49, 53 respectively.
[31] Somerset Heritage Centre, D/P/tin/4/1/1, pp.40, 74.
[32] E.K. Chambers, The Medieval Stage (1925), I, 254. For other definitions of hogling see note 4 above and: A.S. Palmer, Folk-Etymology: A Dictionary (1890), p.173; M.Van Doren, Dictionary of English, p.336; J.S. Farmer and W.E. Henley, Slang and Its Analogues (1893), III, 328; H.C. Wyld, The Universal Dictionary of the English Language, p.554; J. Charles Cox, The Churchwardens’ Accounts, p.26.
[33] E.K. Chambers, The Medieval Stage (1925), I, 155-159.
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